AhlulBayt News Agency: New Delhi’s growing ties with Israel reflect a combination of strategic interests, defense cooperation and domestic political considerations, marking a significant departure from India’s traditional support for the Palestinian cause.

How Did India’s Position Change after October 7?

Although India’s foreign policy has historically emphasised dialogue and the diplomatic resolution of conflicts, media reports indicate that New Delhi has exported weapons to Israel during the war on Gaza. Under Modi’s leadership, India has also become Israel’s largest buyer of military equipment.

Official statements and diplomatic engagements have further highlighted the growing closeness between the two governments.

Just hours after Hamas launched its October 7, 2023, operation against Israel, Modi condemned the attack, describing it as an act of terrorism and saying he was deeply shocked.

During his visit to Israel in February, Modi compared the October 7 attack with the 2008 Mumbai attacks, carried out by Pakistan-based gunmen. New Delhi accused Pakistan of supporting those responsible.

“Like you, we also have a firm and uncompromising policy of zero tolerance for terrorism, without any double standards,” Modi said.

Shared Political Narratives and Strategic Interests

Analysts argue that portraying Israel as a country under attack has helped Modi justify India's increasingly close relationship with the Israeli government.

Rasheed Kidwai, a political analyst based in New Delhi, says much of the political discourse of Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) centres on issues it describes as the expansion of Islam or “Islamic terrorism.”

Referring to the connection between Modi's Israel policy and his government's domestic approach, Kidwai said the relationship with Israel reinforces a political narrative already prevalent within India.

According to analysts, Hindu nationalist groups have supported Zionist ideology for decades. Modi's BJP is rooted in Hindutva, an ideology that seeks to establish India as a Hindu nation and homeland for Hindus worldwide. In certain respects, this outlook resembles Israel's self-conception as the national homeland of the Jewish people.

Kidwai said anti-Muslim sentiment had spread widely across India since the October 7, 2023, attacks. He added that this domestic climate had coincided with New Delhi's pragmatic assessment of Israel as an influential international actor.

Navdeep Suri, a former Indian diplomat and ambassador to Egypt and the United Arab Emirates, told Al Jazeera that popular attitudes in India towards Israel and Zionists constitute one of the foundations of bilateral relations, particularly among sections of Indian society that favour Israel's hard-line policies.

In recent years, figures associated with India's Hindu right have repeatedly urged Modi to adopt policies resembling those of Israel, ranging from tighter restrictions in Indian-administered Kashmir to military action against neighbouring Pakistan.

Suri stressed that India's shift towards Israel began well before the Gaza war. Under Modi, he said, a relationship that had largely remained discreet and out of public view had become much more visible.

He identified defence and intelligence cooperation as another major pillar of the partnership, saying New Delhi had recognised Israel as a powerful partner in both fields. The two countries, he added, also share significant similarities in their security assessments.

From European Sanctions to India's Limited Response

As Israel's war on Gaza has continued and violations in the occupied West Bank have persisted, some of Israel's closest European allies have moved beyond verbal criticism towards practical measures. These have included condemning the expansion of illegal settlements and imposing restrictions on goods and individuals linked to settlement activity and violence against Palestinians.

At least 11 European countries, alongside Canada, have imposed trade restrictions targeting products from Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank. Several countries have also sanctioned settlers and networks accused of involvement in organised violence against Palestinians. Certain Israeli ministers, including Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, have also faced sanctions.

India, by contrast, has refrained from taking comparable measures against Israel over the war and attacks by Israeli forces and settlers against Palestinians.

Diplomatically, New Delhi continues to endorse a two-state solution, calls for humanitarian aid to reach those in need and advocates peace in the region.

Nevertheless, Suri argued that India should adopt a more principled position on these issues.

Modi's Political Calculations

Israel's devastating military campaign in Gaza has also provoked anger and criticism in Washington, despite the country's longstanding support among both Republicans and Democrats.

US President Donald Trump previously threatened to halt Washington's support for Israel's war against Lebanon, even as he approved extensive arms sales to Israel. Such developments, however, have not visibly weakened the close relationship between Modi and Netanyahu.

Max Rodenbeck, director of the Israel-Palestine programme at the International Crisis Group, suggested that Modi's February visit could be viewed as a personal favour to Netanyahu. The visit helped reinforce Netanyahu's image as an internationally respected statesman at a time when Israel's election campaign was approaching.

Rodenbeck told Al Jazeera that such a gesture by an Indian leader would have been unprecedented in previous decades.

From Support for Palestine to Closer Relations with Israel

India's current alignment with Israel represents a significant shift from its historical position on the Palestinian question.

In 1948, India opposed the establishment of Israel. Given the country's anti-colonial legacy, establishing formal relations with Israel was widely regarded in New Delhi as undesirable. Nevertheless, the two countries maintained discreet contacts at least from the 1970s.

In 1975, India voted in favour of a United Nations General Assembly resolution that described Zionism as a form of racism. India was also the first non-Arab country to recognise the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and was among the earliest countries to recognise the State of Palestine.

Formal diplomatic relations between India and Israel were established in 1992. Successive Indian governments gradually expanded bilateral ties, but Modi became the first Indian prime minister to visit Israel in 2017.

Kidwai noted that the Congress party, which governed India for much of the post-independence period and is now in opposition, also viewed support for the Palestinian cause as a way to appeal to Muslim voters. India has one of the world's largest Muslim populations, surpassed in size only by Indonesia and Pakistan.

Modi's political approach, by contrast, places greater emphasis on Hindu identity, a policy that critics say has contributed to the marginalisation of Indian Muslims.

Kidwai told Al Jazeera that Modi's party believes it has little to gain politically from adopting a pro-Palestinian position. Instead, he argued, Modi has linked attacks against Israel to what he describes as an era of terrorism and Islamic extremism, creating a political justification that critics say can be used to legitimise measures targeting Muslims.

India's increasingly close relationship with Israel therefore reflects more than a strategic partnership. It also illustrates the intersection of defence and intelligence interests, ideological affinities and domestic political calculations, raising questions about how New Delhi's traditional commitments to anti-colonialism and Palestinian statehood fit within its evolving foreign policy.