(Ahlul Bayt News Agency) - The death of Yusef Ahmed Abbas, whose body was found on the shores of Amwaj Island on January 13, was followed by protests Across Bahrain.
Protesters in the northeastern towns of Sanabis and Sitra were attacked by Saudi-backed forces firing blanks and tear gas on January 14. In many respects it was the story of Bahrain's past 11 months but it came only 5 days after the chairman of the island's Consultative Council said it was time to “heal wounds,” and “move forward on the road of reform.”
Chairman Ali Saleh Al-Saleh made the remarks on January 9 during a speech in which he announced the council's endorsement of the “reconciliation” process. The “reconciliation” process was initially proposed by King Hamad after the Bahrain Independent Commission of Inquiry issued a report on November 23, 2011, saying that the Manama regime had used “excessive force, including the extraction of forced confessions against detainees.”
The violent response to peaceful protests proved that like regime's previous attempts the “reconciliation process” is doomed to failure. King Hamad has strived to win over the protesters by ordering an investigation into the claims of torture against detainees. But the Bahrainis who were skeptical over King Hamad's influence on the commission members did not back down.
Although the Bahraini monarch had hoped to start a reconciliation process following the November 23 release of the report at latest, protesters maintained their position that “Hamad must fall.” The report stirred up anti-government sentiments and the protesters gained momentum once again. They were expecting the report to “name names and point finger,” instead the report merely confirmed what the public already knew.
Following the report Bahraini protesters resorted to improvised means for expressing their anger. On December 1, 2011 for instance, Bahraini protesters took to the streets and set up road-blocks around the city, while covering their faces to avoid being recognized by the regime, which has installed surveillance cameras in various locations.
As the first anniversary of the beginning of Islamic Awakening - or Arab Spring - which falls on February 14 draws near, tension mounts on the Persian Gulf island, with the Al Khalifa dynasty exploring every avenue to maintain its grip on power. However, national reconciliation will not yield result as long as the regime refuses to give up some of its power and end the use of force against civilians.
Unlike its close allies Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, which have deployed troops on the island to suppress the peaceful protests, Bahrain does not have vast oil resources and petrodollars.
Bahrain is the poorest country among the member states of the (Persian) Gulf Cooperation Council, due to its low income relative its population. Its oil wells are draining fast and its reserves are expected to be depleted within the next 10 to 15 years. The island was once a major transit point between India and the West. Millions of dollars' worth of goods were imported and re-exported in late 19th century and early 20th century. However, the economic prosperity that Bahrain was hoping for, eventually moved to Dubai, the UAE. Thus, Bahrain does not have the luxury of paying its citizens - in terms of providing social welfare, free education and subsidies on goods - to keep them off the streets like many oil-rich rentier states, such as Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Jordan, Qatar and many others.
Therefore, if the Al Khalifa dynasty is to maintain its grip on power, it either has to tread the path of oppression and deal with regular protests as they take place or make compromises with the opposition in a power-sharing deal that would establish a true constitutional monarchy, with proportionate Shia representation and limited privilege for the king.
Although the presence of the US Navy's Fifth Fleet on the island has translated into Washington's tacit approval of the crackdown and thus limiting the international community's response to verbal condemnation, the former is not a permanent solution as it requires constant bloodshed and allocation of resources.
For the latter solution to work, however, the Bahraini regime must address the population's demands. To that end it first needs to realize why the protests began in the first place. Some of the issues triggering the protests are listed below:
Sectarian discrimination
Originally, the Al Khalifa family is from Najd, an area in central Saudi Arabia. It invaded Bahrain in the eighteenth century and took over the island from the Persians with the help of other Najdi tribes. Prior to their arrival, Bahrain was predominantly a Shia island. Even after Al Khalifa's ascent to power and an influx of Sunni Arabs, the Shia still constituted 70% of the population of Bahrain. However, despite their numerical disadvantage, Sunnis continue to dominate the political arena in the country. Therefore, it is not surprising that the majority of Bahrainis, being ruled by a minority group, have been to date suffering from sectarian discrimination in almost all aspects of life including, but not limited to job opportunities and electoral representation.
Fears of Shia power and suspicions about their loyalties have fueled the government to erode the Shia majority, by granting citizenship to foreign-born Sunnis. For example, Nabeel Rajab, a Bahraini rights activist said in a paper presented at the Wango Annual Conference in 2003, that employment in state-run organizations and government bureaus is based on family relations and sectarian connections. “Assuming jobs in the army and police are not based on qualification and capability, but on discriminatory appointment policy. Bahrain regretfully depends on foreign manpower for its internal and external security, while the Shiite citizens are forbidden from occupying such posts due to their sectarian origins. This has led to an increase in the number of unemployed Shiites, who form more than 95% of those unemployed in the kingdom,” he said.
Political System, elections and lack of representation
In Terms of political system, Bahrain was an absolute monarchy until Former Bahraini King Isa bin Salman Al Khalifa proposed the implementation of a constitutional monarchy system as a means of enhancing cohesion in the society. In December 1972, one year after the country's independence from Britain, Isa issued a decree for the election of a Constituent Assembly tasked with writing and ratifying a constitution. The assembly then wrote a constitution, which called for the election of the unicameral National Assembly. Elections were held in 1973. However, in the words of Emile Nakhleh, former CIA Senior Intelligence Service Officer and member of the Council on Foreign Relation, the king had “viewed the Constitution as a gift from him to the people - an expression of royal benevolence.” Therefore, it is not surprising that Isa dissolved the parliament in 1975 when it failed to ratify the state security decree and the extension of the lease of a US naval base - housing the US Navy's Fifth Fleet.
Bahrain wouldn't have another election until 2002, when Isa's successor bin Hamad introduced a new Constitution, which envisaged a bicameral legislature and increased the power of the king. Under the new constitution the king has the power to appoint cabinet ministers and members of the 40-seat Consultative Council -- the upper house of the National Assembly. The lower house, or Council of Representatives, consists of 40 elected members serving for four-year terms. National Assembly may propose legislation, but the cabinet, which is handpicked by the king, must draft the laws. In other words, the elected lower house of parliament is virtually a decorative chamber. However, elections are still not free and fair.
As for a recent example, Bahrain's High Commission for Elections distributed the 2010 electoral districts in a sectarian manner. The commission allowed one candidate to run for every 12,000 people in Shia-dominated areas, while in the predominantly Sunni areas every 4,000 people had one candidate. Moreover, the regime granted right to vote to tens of thousands of people, who had been granted citizenship based on their political and sectarian belongings and loyalties. The regime also curtailed campaign activities of the opposition candidates. And, of course, independent bodies were barred from monitoring the elections.
Restrictions on freedom of speech
Privacy, personal freedoms and freedom of expression is restricted in Bahrain. The regime harasses activists who criticize them publicly on a regular basis. In Bahrain, all broadcast media outlets are state-own and therefore, opposition voices cannot find their way to the airways. Moreover, the private owners of the three main newspapers have close ties to the Al Khalifa family. The vaguely worded Press Law of 2002 encourages parties to exercise self-censorship and the 2002 Constitution stipulates that freedom of expression is allowed, “provided that the fundamental beliefs of Islamic doctrine are not infringed, the unity of the people is not prejudiced, and discord or sectarianism is not aroused.” This effectively means that opposition views are not allowed to be expressed, since they could adversely affect the “unity” of the people.
Detention and torture of opposition figures
Opposition to the monarchy is not tolerated in Bahrain. The monarchy has been openly and violently suppressing the regime's critics. As early as 2007, Bahraini security forces have been clamping down on the government's outspoken critics, detaining opposition figures, depriving them of their basic rights, including access to lawyers and visits by family members. The regime has also been subjecting the detainees to harsh treatment and torture. Human rights groups have documented the use of torture against the detainees and have pleaded to the international community for action to stop such inhumane treatment of the Bahrainis.
It is in such an environment that Bahrainis are rising up against the regime and taking to the streets. To improve their lives and address the aforementioned problems, the Bahraini protesters, before calling for the downfall of the regime and ouster of king Hamad, have come up with the following demands:
1- Dissolving the constitution of 2002 and the formation of a council made up of experts and people of both the Sunni and Shia sects to create a new constitution.
2- Release of all political prisoners and an investigation into torture allegations.
3- An independent judicial system that is not politicized.
4- Investigation of claims of political naturalization and removal of Bahraini citizenship to those who have obtained citizenship illegally or due to political motives.
In other words, the Bahraini people were seeking a true constitutional monarchy as well as the implementation of the National Action Charter of Bahrain, which among other things, protects individual freedom and equality, freedom of expression and publishing, employment as both a duty and a right, and people as the source of all powers.
The Charter was put to a referendum in 2001 and was endorsed by 98% of the voters; however, it was never fully implemented and with the introduction of the 2002 Constitution the likelihood of its implementation has diminished.
The regime's response in the first few weeks of the so-called “February 14 Revolution” was so harsh and brutal that the protesters lost any hope of meaningful reform by the current regime. Therefore, when King Hamad agreed to make some concessions, free some prisoners and hold a national dialogue, the opposition sensed a repeat of earlier experiences, in which the monarchy had managed to end the protests by promising reforms, which had never materialized. The movement, thus, went from calling for a true constitutional monarchy to demanding the downfall of the monarchy.
However, a wise move by the regime would be the immediate implementation of a broad reform package without asking for an immediate end to protests. It needs to win the trust of Bahrainis by limiting the power of the monarch, releasing political prisoners, allowing free press, holding free and fair elections and prosecuting those responsible for the recent bloodshed. Only then a meaningful national reconciliation could be held.
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