The Arabic Network for Human Rights Information says some of the missing are actually being detained by the military and has urged the military to immediately release a list of the detainees' names and guarantee their rights.
To learn more about the issue, Press TV conducted an interview with Gareth Porter, who is an investigative journalist from Washington.
Press TV: Long-silent Arabs have discovered their power, but experts warn (that) autocratic rulers have also learnt from Tunisia and Egypt. Does that mean failure for copy-cat revolutions?
Gareth Porter: Well, not necessarily, of course. But it all depends on the specific circumstances within each country. Certainly, there is more to the story about Egypt to come in terms of whether this military regime in Egypt is in fact going to be responsive to the wishes of the majority of Egyptians or not.
I think that remains to be seen and based on history, one must assume that the interest of the military regime, particularly one which is headed by the person, who was the primary collaborator of the United States' CIA in this rendition program, is going to have a different set of priorities and different set of interests from those of the pro-democracy demonstrators in Egypt. Therefore, we are going to see a long period here of very intricate maneuvering between the government headed by the former intelligence chief of Egypt and the forces, which were involved in the pro-democracy demonstrations.
Press TV: Those amending the constitution have been criticized in the West because they will not remove Article 2, which says that Islam is the state religion and that Shariah is the source of law. Why is this an issue when Egypt is largely Muslim, and there are other crucial amendments?
Gareth Porter: Well, one would think that this neuralgia around that issue is very much influenced by the United States and Israel, which are the two major powers who have an interest in trying to push Egypt in a different direction; that is to do whatever is possible to fence off Islamic influence, the influence of Islamist parties and particularly, of course, Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt. And so I would certainly have to believe that that issue is not one that is simply being played out within -- or among -- Egyptian political forces, but also involve external forces, as well.
Press TV: Members of the group called the 'Class of 1973', those Mubarak allies who have been running things for 30 years, are still in control. People say that the military must relinquish many of the powers that it has enjoyed for Egypt to move forward. Do you agree with that?
Gareth Porter: Well, certainly one has to see that the Egyptian military's desire to continue to maintain an oversight of the political system is going to be problematic for the true realization of democracy in Egypt and this is where it is clear on the bases of history in other countries that there is going to be a real tension between the military regime and democratic forces and also between those democratic forces and the interests of the United States.
The United States, unless there is a totally surprising decision made in Washington to abandon its regional strategy, which has, for three decades or so, been devoted to unremitting pressure on those states and parties which have opposed Israel and its role in relation to Palestinians, as well as its role in the region. Unless the United States abandons that strategy, one has to believe that the US will continue to try to use whatever instruments of power available to it in Egypt to try to keep that country as much as possible on a track that is collaborative with the United States and Israel. And that is, in my view, still going to be the primary source of tension with regard to the next six months or so of a political evolution within Egypt.
Press TV: Gabi Ashkenazi, Israel's army chief, has said that though the peace treaty with Egypt is important, Israel has planned for the case in which this treaty does not remain. Is that a warning to those in Egypt to not even dare?
Gareth Porter: I am not sure. Certainly, Israel would like to exert as much influence as it can if it believes that implicit threats would actually have the effect of pushing back the forces of those in Egypt who would be in favor of a very new policy toward Israel; then they would certainly going to do that. But I must say that the idea that Israel is going to frighten the Egyptians by the kind of threats that it used with regard to Iran or with regard to Syria or Lebanon is certainly laughable because it seems to be that it simply is not going to be very credible.
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