The Ninth Immaculate Holy Imam of Shi'ite Muslims
Name: Muhammad bin Ali.
Titles: At-Taqi, Al-Jawad.
Kuniyya: Abu Ja'fer.
Father:Imam Ali Reza(A.S.)
Mother: Sabika (also known as Khaizarun).
Birth: 10th Rajab 195 A.H. Madina.
Martyrdom: 29th Dhulqa'da 220 A.H. Baghdad. Buried in Kadhmain.
Imam
al-Jawad (PBUH) was born on 10th day of the month of Rajab, in the year
195 A.H. in Madina - the city of his grandfather, the Messenger of
Allah (S.A.W.), under the care of his father, Imam Ali bin Musa al-Reza
(PBUH) who was qualified with the leadership (Imamate) and its
qualifications, a lofty status, the position of leadership in the ummah
and in the sciences of Islamic Shari'a and its laws.
The
Imam (A) was born in a period full of events and political situations,
conflicts, and the tension of events of the Abbasid caliphate between
Amin and Ma'moon, the two sons of Harun Rashid.
Those
political events and the situations of the conflict which was going on
between the two brothers, the Abbasid caliphs, never ended without
reflecting their effects on the life of Imam al-Reza (A)
attracted the attention of the Muslims -in the city of his grandfather,
the Messenger of Allah (S.A.W.) - including religious scholars,
jurisprudents, governors, and common people. Thus, the political view of
the caliph, Ma'mun, was directed towards him and, therefore, summoned
him to the capital of his rulership (Merv) in the year 200 A.H. and
appointed him as heir so that the caliphate would be transferred to him
after Ma'mun's death.
The
Imam Reza (A) was forced to leave Madina and move towards the city of
'Merv' (in Khurasan - Iran) to accept Ma'mun's invitation after many
refusals and abstentions. Before moving to merv, he took with him, his
son, Imam Muhammad al-Jawad (A), then, he (A.) started out from Madina
towards Mecca in order to pay a visit to the Sacred House (Ka'ba) and,
also, to say farewell to it.
Imam al-Reza (A) performed the hajj (pilgrimage) with his son, al-Jawad, who was only four years at that time.
Indeed,
the young Imam expressed his adherence and love for his father by his
insistence to stay under the care of the holy embrace. It was difficult
for him to return home (Madinah), alone, and depart from his father, who
wrote, in his farewell letter to the Sacred House, that he would not
return.
The
moments of farewell ended and the hour of departure approached; the
young Imam al-Jawad(A) returned home (to Madinah), bearing the yearnings
of love, the adherence of a son for his father; his father moved
towards the city of Merv while his heart departed to Madina, following
the procession of the beloved al-Jawad.
Imam al-Reza's Letters to his Son, al-Jawad (A)
Arriving
at the city of Merv, the, then, capital of the Abbasid caliphate, Imam
al-Reza (A) rested there while his heart still inclined towards his son.
From there, he (A) began to correspond, address, advise, guide and take
care of him. Historians state the fact that Imam al-Reza (A) used to
address his son al-Jawad (A), with honour and glory in his
correspondences and call him by his surname 'Abu Ja'far'.
The Divine Leadership of Imam al-Jawad (A)
The
period of transferring the leadership to Imam Muhammad Taqi al-Jawad
(A) faced a dangerous problem which caused debates and arguments
concerning the personality of Imam Muhammad Taqi al-Jawad (A) because
of his youth.He (A) was young, at the age of seven, when his father
passed away. Books of history and biographies record some of these
discussions about the personality of the young Imam (A) and his
capability for the leadership at that age.
When Imam Muhammad al-Jawad (A) was born, the same questions were sent to Imam al-Rida in order for them to know who would be the Imam after al-Reza (A). Was not Muhammad al-Jawad (A)
a child? And how could he bear the responsibility of the leadership and
its affairs if he was at this age? Indeed, Imam al-Reza (A) always confirmed that the Imam after him would be his son, Muhammad Taqi al-Jawad (A), and the one who was most qualified.
Ibn
Qulawaih, on the authority of Kulaini, on the authority of Hussein bin
Muhammad, on the authority of Khariani, on the authority of his father,
said:
"I
(i.e. Khayrani's father) was standing in front of Abul-Hassan al-Reza
(A), in Khurasan. Someone asked him: 'My master, if something happens,
to whom will authority belong?"
"To
Abu Ja'far (al-Jawad), my son," he replied. The speaker indicated that
the age of Abu Ja'far was too young. So, Abul-Hassan al-Reza (A),
replied: "Allah, may He be praised, sent Jesus, son of Mary, to be an
apostle, a prophet, the bringer of a revealed law (Shari'a), to begin
(his mission) when his age was younger than that of Abu
Ja'far(al-Jawad), peace be upon him."
Narrated
Mu'ammar bin Khallad that he heared Imam al-Reza (A), saying: "When he
mentioned something and, then, said: 'What need have you for that? Here
is Abu Ja'far, whom I have brought into my meetings and whom I have made
to be my successor.' Then, he added: 'We are the family of the House
(Ahlul-Bayt). Our young inherit from our old, like one feather (on a
wing) followed by the next.'"
Allamah
Majlisi narrated, in his book 'Uyoon Mu'jizat', a description of
certain events of that critical period from the age of leadership, and
which included the following text:
"...
it was pilgrimage season. Some jurisprudents (Fuqaha') of Baghdad and
other nations and their religious scholars, numbering 80, went to Medina
to perform Hajj ceremonies and, then, they intended to see Abu Ja'far
Imam Jawad(A). When they reached the house of Ja'far al-Sadiq (A), because of its emptiness, entered it and sat on a big carpet.
"Then,
Abdulla bin Musa (Imam al-Reza's brother) came and sat at the head of
the meeting. A caller stood and said: "This is the son of the Messenger
of Allah, therefore, whoever has any question, he may ask him." He
(Abdulla bin Musa i.e. Imam al-Jawad's nephew) was questioned about
things, to which he inappropriately answered. His answers caused the
Shi'a to be bewildered and grieved, therefore, the jurisprudents were
confused among themselves and started leaving the pleace and telling
each other that if Abu Ja'far (the Imam) was present, he would have been
able to answer all the questions addressed to Abdulla bin Musa.
"Then,
a door was opened at the front of the meeting and Muwafaq, the Imam's
servant, entered and said: "This is Abu Ja'far Imam Jawad (A)." All
those who were present stood up, welcomed and greeted him, then the Imam
(A) entered.
He
(A) sat while all people kept silent. Then, the questioner stood up and
asked the Imam (A) different questions, to which he (A) answered
perfectly and correctly. His answers caused those present to be happy,
give thanks and praise the Imam.
They
told him: "Indeed, your uncle, Abdulla, gave verdicts so and so." He
(A) said: "There is no god but Allah, o my uncle, Abdulla, gave verdicts
so and so." He (A) said: "There is no god but Allah, O my uncle! It is
great to stand tomorrow (on the resurrection day) before His hands and
He will say to you: 'Why did you give verdicts (issue religious decrees)
to My servants about things you did not know, while there was someone
among people who had more knowledge than you.'"
Even
religious scholars and jurisprudents confirmed their declaration for
the Imam Jawad's being qualified with the position of leadership. The
vivid declaration of Imam al-Reza (A), for his leadership, and the
acknowledgement of the famous traditionist, Ali bin Ja'far, are, also,
proofs for the Imam's qualification for the position of leadership.
He
became an Imam at the age of nine. Mamun thought that as all the rulers
before him had oppressed the Holy Imams and their schemes had backfired
that he would try to bribe the Holy Imams. He tried to make the 8th
Imam his heir apparent and give him power and wealth but that also
backfired.
He
now tried to use power and wealth with the 9th Imam again but from a
much younger age thinking that he would be able to influence him.
His
main purpose was also to make sure that the 12th Imam (whom he knew
would bring justice to the world) would be from his progeny and
therefore intended to give his daughter Ummul Fadl to the Imam for a
wife. Mamun still continued oppressing the family and followers of the
Ahlul-Bayt (A).
Mamun
called the young Imam (A) to Baghdad from Madina and offered his
daughter. This infuriated his family (Banu Abbas). To prove to them the
excellence of Imam even at a young age he arranged a meeting between
Imam and the most learned of men at that time - Yahya bin Athkam, the
Chief Judje of his period .
Imam
(A) read his own Nika (the khutba of which is used today) with the Mehr
of 500 dirhams. Imam wrote a letter to Mamun that he would also give
Ummul Fadhl Mehr from the wealth of Aakhira. This was in the form of 10
duas which were for fulfilling any hajaat (desires) [Chain of narrators
upto Prophet - Jibrail - Allah]* . Thus his title Al-Jawad (the generous
one).
* These duas are found in Mafatihul Jinaan (pg 447 - In margin)
Hirze(Amulet) Jawad
Imam lived for a year in Baghdad with Ummul Fadhl. She was very disobedient to Imam.
When
she found out that Imam had another wife (from the progeny of
Ammar-e-Yasir) and that there was also children she was jealous and
angry realizing that her father's plan had failed. She complained to her
father who also realized that his plan, to keep the 12th Imam in his
progeny, had failed.
He
was enraged and in his rage he drank heavily and went to the 9th Imam's
house and attacked Imam with a sword. Both Ummul Fadhl and a servant
saw the attack and believed Imam was dead. Mamun on waking next morning
realized the consequences of his attack and was thinking of arranging
the disposal of Imam's body when he saw Imam well without a scratch on
him.
He
was confused and asked Imam who showed him an amulet which is called
Hirze Jawad.The Holy Imam told him it was from his grand mother Bibi
Fatima Zahra (S) and kept the wearer safe from all except the angel of
death.
We,
also, observed how Ma'mun held meetings and councils in which he
invited various scholars, thinkers and jurisprudents like the Qadi
ul-Qudat(Chief Judge) of the Abbasid state, Yahya bin Aktham for
scholarly discussions and debates which lasted hours and days. In such
meetings, they introduced the Imam Jawad (A) to critical legislative and
theological questions to which he answered wisely and accurately.
The
debate was attended by top officials of the state, military commanders
and leaders.Then, the Qadi, Yahya bin Aktham approached Abu Ja'far
al-Jawad (A) and asked him some questions he had prepared before. The
Imam Jawad (A) answered them correctly and, in which, he showed the
cause for correcteness.
Therefore, the debate went on between Yahya and Imam al-Jawad (A) in the following way:
"Ask me whatever you wish," said the Imam in the typical tone of his anscestors.
Yahya,
then, asked the Holy Imam, "What is your verdict about a man who
indulges in hunting while he is in the state of Ihram'. (In the code of
religious law hunting is forbidden for a pilgrim).
The
Imam at once replied, "Your question is vague and misleading. You
should have definitely mentioned whether he hunted within the
jurisdiction of the Ka'ba or outside; whether he was literate or
illiterate; whether he was a slave or a free citizen; whether he was a
minor or a major; whether it was for the first time or he had done it
previously; also, whether that victim was a bird or some other creature;
whether the prey was small or big; whether he hunted in the day or at
night; whether the hunter repented for his action or persisted in it;
whether he hunted secretly of openly; whether the 'Ihram' was for Umra
(the lesser pilgrimage) or for Hajj (the greater pilgrimage). Unless all
these points are explained no specific answer can be given to this
question."
Qadi
Yahya was bewildered and staggered in listening to these words, of the
Holy Imam, and the entire gathering was dumbfounded. Inability and
indecision were clear on Qadi Yahya's face.
Thus,
the historical period, and what it contains of religious scholars and
jurisprudents, acnowledges the leadership of Imam al-Jawad (A) in order
to continue the right path of his forefathers and their footsteps and,
also, bear the religious scholarly and political burdens of divine
succession of the Holy Prophet (PBUH).
His Knowledge
Indeed,
Imam al-Jawad (A) played his role and shared in enriching the scholarly
school during the period of his leadership, which lasted nearly 17
years, and, also, safeguarded its patrimony. That period (of the Holy
Imam) was distinguished by two things: Dependence on text and narration
of the Messenger of Allah (S.A.W.) and, also, on an accurate
understanding and deduction of both the Book (the Qur'an) and Prophet's
traditions (Sunnah). In addition to this, the Holy Imam's concern for
intellectual knowledge and science, in which, the Imams of Ahlul-Bait
and their students participated greatly, in developing, enriching, and
expanding its circles to the extent that it became a lofty declaration
and a well-fortified fortress for the Islamic thought and Shari'a.
Imam al-Jawad (A), like his forefathers (A), used different means to carry out his scientific procedures, among them are:
1.
The means of teaching and instructing thosed students and scholars and
urging them to write and record and, also, sustain what comes from the
Holy Imams of Ahlul-Bayt (A) or by bidding them to the art of writing,
publishing, and classifying.
Sheikh
Tusi in his book 'Rijal', mentioned the number of the close companions
of Imam al-Jawad (A) and his narrators, who studied and were educated
under his care to be about one hundred, including two women.
Indeed,
all these religious scholars quoted Imam al-Jawad (A) and wrote many
books in different fields of Islamic sciences and knowledge. They
enriched Islamic schools with true, original researches and thoughts.
This
fact is proved in the books of 'Rijal' which mentioned the close
companions of Imam al-Jawad (A) and, in which, they explained their
conditions, their publications and writings.
2.
The means of appointing deputies and commanding them to spread out in
different parts of the Muslim lands in order to be true callers to
Islam, follow it and convey its divine laws.
Books
of history have recorded the correspondences of Imam al-Jawad (A) with
his deputies who were spread in different parts of the Muslim world in
order to convey Islamic faith and what they learned from the
jurisprudence of the Household of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) and their
knowledge.
3.
The means of scholarly debates and discussions. The books of traditions
and narrations, have recorded for us, richly, discussions and debates
in different kinds of sciences and knowledge and defending Islam and
fixing its pillars in the fields of monotheism, jurisprudence,
interpretation, and narrations and so on.
These
discussions contained different researches. Among them were: Defending
Islam and countering perverse ideas and deviated philosophies and
ideologies whic existed among the Muslims. And, also, repairing the
ideological deviations which existed among certain Muslims, such as:
Exaggeration and incarnations and others or discussions to explain Islam
and clarify its diverse fields.
The Political course in the Holy Imam's Life
The
Holy Imams of Ahlul-Bayt (A), their followers, and those who supported
them during the history of Islam, represented political oppositions
against the Umayyad and Abbasid rulers, who usurped the caliphate and
imposed their tyrannical rule on the Muslims and who stayed away from
the political course, decreed by the Holy Messenger of Allah (PBUH) for
his Ummah.
All
the political slogans and plans, declared by Ma'mun, aimed to draw the
attention of public opinon and those who were loyal to Holy Prophet's
Household [Ahlul-Bayt (A)] towards him, and calm down the Shi'ite
uprisings. But, inspite of that, the caliph Ma'mun, faced different
Shi'ite revolutions because of anti-Islamic deeds.
So,
this policy did not last for a long time and, soon, the Abbasid rulers
turned to hurting and harming the Holy Imams of Ahlul-Bayt (A) and
hampering them.
Ma’mûn & Imam at-Taqi (A)
Caliph
Ma’mun ar-Rashid, in pursuing the same policies as mentioned in the
previous lesson, asked that Imam Muhammad at-Taqi (A) be brought from
Medina to Baghdad. This journey took place in 204 A.H., a year after the
death of the eighth Imam.
When Ma’mun met the
young Imam, he was impressed with the latter’s knowledge; and he
proposed to marry his daughter Ummul Fazl to the Imam. When the elders
of the ‘Abbasid clan learned of this decision, they tried to change
Ma’mun’s views: they reminded him of dangers in promoting the decendants
of ‘Ali, and the possible loss of power. Realizing that their words had
no effect on Ma’mun, they finally said, “Although you are impressed by
this child; but he is still a child. Wait till he grows up and gets
educated, then you may marry your daughter to him.”
Ma’mun:
“Woe unto you! I know this child better than you; he comes from a
family which is bestowed with knowledge by God. His ancestors were never
in need of knowledge and character from others. If you wish, you may
examine him.”
The elders of the ‘Abbasid agreed
to examine him. They approached Yahya bin Aktham, the chief judge (qazi)
of the ‘Abbasid court, and asked him to prepare some difficult
questions which the Imam would not be able to answer.
At
an appointed time, the meeting between Imam Muhammad at-Taqi (A) and
Yahya bin Aktham took place in the presence of Ma’mun and the elders of
the ‘Abbasid clan.
After the formalities, Yahya
asked: “What is your view about a person who hunts while he is in the
ihram?” (Ihram means pilgrim’s garment; a person in ihram is not allowed
to hunt.)
Imam at-Taqi: “This question has many facets:
“Was the person outside the boundary of the holy territory or inside?
“Did he know that it was forbidden to hunt while in ihrâm or he did not?
“Did he do it intentionally or was it an accident?
“Was he a free man or a slave?
“Was he minor or an adult?
“Was this his first hunting in the state of ihrâm or a second time?
“Was the hunted creature a bird or something else?
“Was it big or small?
“Was the person sorry that he committed the offence or was he careless about such issues?
“Was it in the night or during the day?
“Was he in the state of ihrâm for the minor pilgrimage or for the major pilgrimage?”
Yahya
bin Aktham was dumbfounded by this thorough analysis of the question by
the ten year old Imam Muhammad at-Taqi! He could not even utter a word,
and the audience clearly saw the signs of defeat on his face!
Ma’mun
broke the silence by saying, “Praise be to Allâh who proved me right in
my estimation of this young man.” Then he faced the elders of the
‘Abbâsids and rebuked them: “Now do you realize what I was saying?” Then
he proposed the marriage of his daughter to the Imam, and the Imam
accepted it. The young Imam also recited the khutba (sermon) before the
actual marriage which has become a common khutba in the Shi‘a marriage
ceremonies. The khutba is as follows: “All praise is due to Allâh, in
recognition of His blessings. [I declare that] there is no god but
Allâh, in sincere belief in His oneness. And may Allâh send His
blessings upon Muhammad, the leader of His creatures, and upon the
chosen one of his family.
“It is Allâh’s grace upon the people
that He has made them free from the forbidden [means of fulfilling
sexual urge] by the permissible [institution of marriage]. He, the
Exalted, said: ‘And marry the single among you (those who are good ones
from among your slaves and maids)—if they are poor, Allâh will make them
free from need from His grace; Allâh, indeed, is Generous,
All-Knowing.’”
After the marriage ceremony, when only a few
people had remained in the gathering, Ma’mun requested the Imam to
provide the answer for the various situations that he had derived from
Yahya’s single question. The holy Imam gave a detailed answer to all
those situations.
Then Ma’mun proposed that now the Imam should
ask a question to Yahya bin Aktham. The latter replied, “If I know the
answer, I will reply; otherwise, I will learn from you.”
Imam
Muhammad at-Taqi (A) asked: “Can you describe the situation in which a
man looked at a woman at dawn while it was forbidden (harâm) for him to
do so; but then at sunrise, it was permissible (halâl) for him to look
at her? Then at noon hour, it became harâm for him to look at that
woman; but in the afternoon, it became permissible for him to look at
her? Then at sunset, it became harâm for him to look at that woman; but
at night, it became halâl for him to look at her? Then at midnight, it
became harâm for him to look at her; but at dawn, it became halâl for
him to do so?”
Yahya bin Aktham said, “By Allâh! I do not know the answer to this question. We would, however, benefit from your answer.”
The Imam explained the answer as follows:
“At dawn, the woman was the slave of someone else; however, by sunrise,
the man had already bought her for himself and so it became halâl for
him to look at her.
“At noon, he made her free, and so she became harâm for him; but by afternoon, he had married her, so she became halâl for him.
“At
sunset, he did zihâr by which one’s wife becomes harâm for a person;
but by night time he paid the penalty for zihar, and so she became halâl
for him again.
“At midnight, he divorced her; but by next morning, he revoked his divorce, and so she became halâl for him.”
Thus
the ten year old Imam, from the descendants of ‘Ali and Fâtimah, proved
to the caliph and his entourage that God had endowed them with the
knowledge to guide the Muslim ummah as the Prophet had truly said, “Do
not try to teach them, because they are not in need of your teaching.”
* * *
One
must remember that Ma’mun was a very shrewd politician. This marriage
between his daughter and Imam Muhammad at-Taqi (A) should not be taken
as proof that he was a Shi‘a. As mentioned in the previous lesson, these
actions were all politically motivated by Ma’mun to calm the opposition
of the Shi‘a masses. Other motives for the marriage can be described as
follows: By having his daughter as Imam’s wife, Ma’mun was guaranteed a
continuous flow of information about the Imam’s activities.
By
becoming the son-in-law of Ma’mun at this young age, the caliph hoped
that the personality of the Imam would be tarnished with worldly
luxuries and entertainment of the establishment, and thus lose the
respect in the eyes of his Shi‘as.
By this marriage, prove to the Shi'a masses that he respects the Ahlul Bayt, and thus neutralize their opposition to his rule.
Ma’mun
was hoping that if Imam at-Taqi gets a child through his daughter, he
can claim to be the grandfather of a child from the descendants of Imam
‘Ali and Fatimah (A). But Allâh, subhânahu wa ta‘âla, did not fulfill
this hope because none of the children of the Imam were born from
Ma’mun’s daughter!
Imam Muhammad at-Taqi (A) did
not stay for long in Baghdad. He insisted on returning to Medina with
his wife, the daughter of Ma’mun. His return to Medina where he stayed
till the year 220 A.H. foiled the plans of Ma’mun ar-Rashid.
Mu‘tasim’s Rule
Ma’mun
ar-Rashid died in the year 218 A.H. He was succeeded by his brother,
Mu‘tasim billah. In the year 220, Mu‘tasim ordered that Imam Muhammad
at-Taqi be brought from Medina to Baghdad.
One
day a person came to the court of Mu‘tasim and confessed that he had
committed theft and would like to be punished so that he could be free
from the guilt and punishment in the hereafter. The Qur’an says that the
punishment for theft (with some conditions) is cutting off the thief’s
yad. Yad means:
hand, forearm and elbow. So the caliph called all the prominent
religious scholars, including Imam Muhammad at-Taqi (A), and asked:
“From where should the yad of the thief be cut?” (The Qur’an is asking
for the definition of “yad”.)
Ibn Abi Da’ud, the chief judge, said, “From the wrist.”
Mu‘tasim: “What is your proof for that?”
Ibn Abi Da’ud: “The word ‘yad’ has been used in the verse of tayammum —so wipe your faces and your hands(5:5)— for the hand.”
Some scholars agreed with Ibn Abi Da’ud but others disagreed and said: “Cut the thief’s yad from the elbow.”
Mu‘tasim: “What is your proof?”
The scholars: “The word ‘yad’ has been used in the verse of wudhu —wash your faces and your hands up to the elbows (5:5)— for the fore-arm.”
Then
Mu‘tasim turned towards Imam Muhammad at-Taqi (A) and asked his
opinion. The Imam first declined to give his view because he was aware
of the court’s politics. But when Mu‘tasim insisted, the Imam finally
said, “All these gentlemen are mistaken because only the [four] fingers
have to be cut.”
Mu‘tasim: “What is your proof?”
The Imam (a.s.):
“The Prophet (A) has said that sajdah is done on seven parts of the
body: forehead, palms, knees and two big toes [of the feet]. If a
thief’s hand or forearm is cut, then it would not be possible for him to
do the sajdah whereas Allâh has said, ‘And verily the masâjid [the body
parts on which sajdah is done] belong to Allâh...;’ and what belongs to
Allâh should not be cut.”
The caliph liked the answer of the Imam and ordered that the four fingers of the thief be cut.
This
extraordinary event, in the public’s view at Mu‘tasim’s court, proved
the superiority of the Imams of Ahlu ’l-Bayt. It, however, also created
an extreme feeling of jealousy and hatred in the heart of Ibn Abi Da’ud.
On
finding an appropriate moment, Ibn Abi Da’ud cautioned the caliph
against inadvertantly promoting Imam Muhammad at-Taqi (A) by publicly
following his view and rejecting those of the other scholars. He filled
the caliph’s ears to the extent that the caliph started looking at the
Imam as a threat to his own caliphate.
The Imam Jawad's Political Role
Studying
the historical documents stated by Imam al-Jawad (A), on one hand, and
the attitudes held by the Abbasid authorities towards the Holy Imam, on
the other, one can understand that Imam al-Jawad (A) was at the top of
secret political and ideological essence and who practised his
activities in secret and had a leading status with a deep impact on
awakening the feelings of the people.
Books of traditions,
history and narrations recorded for us some of these letters dispatched
by Imam Muhammad Taqi al-Jawad (A), to his companions, followers and
representatives and which portray vividly the secret political activity
of the Holy Imam (A) and his companions and cause us to be acquainted
with the ideological and political situation of that age.
These
letters reveal not only the existence of the deep relationship between
the Holy Imam (A) and his companions and how the financial assistance
was presented to him, from different parts of the Muslim lands to cover
his needs in performing his activities, but, also, the existence of the
Holy Imam's followers, and his sectert cultural and political activity
at that time.
Indeed, the Abbasid authorities were watching the
Holy Imam's activities and used different ways to hinder it and forbid
it against spreading and affecting others. Hence, these letters reveal
to us the continuation of this activity and the call in support of the
holy family of the Prophet (A), the deepness of their effect, the
influence of their ideological and political tendencies, in the life of
people, inspite of the terror and dangers which surrounded them.
The Attitude of Abbasid Caliphs towards Imam al-Jawad (A)
Certaily,
to study and analyze the attitude of the two Abbasid caliphs, Ma'mun
and Mu'tasim, who succeeded the caliphate after him, toward Imam
Muhammad Taqi al-Jawad (A) indicates, clearly, the importance of the
leading personality of the Holy Imam (A) and his esteemed status in the
hearts of the people and the inclinations of the Ummah towards him. They
considered him (the Holy Imam) as a true representative of Ahlul-Bayt,
in that period, and as a successor of his guiding grandfathers (peace be
upon them all).
Therefore,
we find that Ma'mun summoned the Holy Imam (A) from Madina in the year
211 A.H., and then married him, to his daughter, Ummul Fadl. Because of
this marriage, Ma'mun involved himself in a conflict with his cousins,
the Abbasid family. Ma'mun wanted to assimilate the situation of Imam
al-Jawad (A) towards his collaterals and to contain his public movements
in both the ideological and political fields.
But, as we have
seen, the Holy Imam (A) was opposite of this. He (A) practised his
activity accurately and skillfully. The Holy Imam (A) moved in every
field in which the opportunity was supplied to him. He (A) refused to
stay in Baghdad in order to be far from the siege of the authorities and
their control and, then, returned to Madina, his birth place and the
residence of his fathers, a centre of knowledge, and faith and a shelter
of hearts in order to achieve the related aims as being an Imam
(leader) of the Ummah and a pioneer of the Shari'a.
Holy Imam's Martyrdom
When
Ma'mun died, Mu'tasim ascended the throne. He (Mu'tasim), like his
Abbasid ancestors, was worried about the leadership of Ahlul-Bayt (A)
and their political and scholarly status. Therefore, he exiled Imam
al-Jawad (A) from Madina to Baghdad in the year 219 A.H., for fear of
his popularity and extending his effect. He did this, in order to draw
the Holy Imam near the centre of power and scrutiny and isolate him from
practising his popular, political and scholarly role.
Indeed,
Imam al-Jawad (A) was exiled to Baghdad from Madina and stayed in
Baghdad until in the year 220 A.H. when he was martyred by poisoning by
his wife Ummul Fadl at the instigation of the ruling Abbasid caliph
Mu'tasim.
His short life lasted twenty five years and some
months, and was full of historical, ideological and scholarly struggle
and achievements.The Holy Imam (A) was martyred in Baghdad in the year
220 A.H., on the 29th of Zee al-Qa'adah and was burried in the graveyard
of Quraish behind his grandfather, Imam Musa bin Ja'far (A) the seventh
holy Imam which was since then became famous as Kazmain.
Short Maxims of Imam Muhammad Taqi al-Jawad(A)
History of the Shrine of Imam Musa al-Kazim(A) and Imam Muhammad Taqi (A)
Anyone
approaching Baghdad from the north or the west will be impressed by the
sight of the four golden minarets at Kadhmayn, the Shrine of the Two
Imams, Imam Musa al-Kadhim(A) and Imam Muhammad Taqi al-Jawad(A).
They
are respectively the Seventh and the Ninth of the Twelve Imams, at
whose tombs we are accustomed to seek healing and to invoke their
intercession for the forgiveness of our sins and the fulfilment of our
needs.
The
present building dates back only to the beginning of the sixteenth
century and has been kept in excellent repair. This building represents
the restoration of Shah lsmail I Safavi (1502 - 24), though when the
Turkish Sultan, Suleman the Great, captured Baghdad
and remained there for four months in 1534, he visited this sacred
place, and is said to have contributed to the further ornamentation of
the Shrine at Kadhmayn.
The tiles for the double cupola, however,
were provided in 1796 by Shah Agha Muhammad Khan, who was the first of
the Persian Qajar dynasty. In 1870, Nasr-al-Din Shah had these golden
tiles repaired on one of the domes and on the minarets. It is
interesting that the dates of all these alterations are clearly
indicated by inscriptions.
If we bear in mind that the Two Imams
who are buried here were martyred in the beginning of the eighth
century, it will be evident that there are seven hundred years of the
history of their tomb to account for, previous to the comparatively
modern restoration of Shah Ismail I. The Imams lived in the early days
of Baghdad, while the walls of Mansur's round city on the western side
of the Tigris were still standing. There were cemeteries to the
north-west that went by various names - that at the Syrian Gate, that of
the Abbasids, and that of the Straw Gate.1
The Two Imams were
buried immediately to the west of this latter cemetery, but by the time
Yakubi wrote, the whole northern district was designated in a general
way as the cemetery of the Kuraish.2 Both of these Imams were poisoned
at the instigation of the reigning Caliphs, but it is significant that
in the case of Imam Muhammad Taqi, the funeral service was read by a
representative of the royal family,3 which undoubtedly distinguised the
Imam as an important person, at whose grave some sort of a mausoleum
would be built.
But as to the importance attached in the early
times to the visit to this tomb, the only information available is on
the authority of traditions that have been attributed to the Eighth and
Tenth Imams. These traditions are answers they are said to have given
when they were asked by their followers concerning the merit of
pilgrimage to Kadhmayn.
It is related that the Imam Ali Reza
(A), whose life in Baghdad was during the caliphate of Haroon al-Rashid,
told his Shia followers to say their prayers of salutation to his
father, the Imam Musa al-Kadhim, "Outside the walls of the Shrine, or in
the nearby mosques," if the Sunni authority and prejudice in Baghdad
was too great for them to do so at the tomb itself. From this we infer
that a building of some sort was recognised at that early date as
marking the tomb of the Imam Musa and that it was surrounded by a wall.
Further
statements are said to have been made a few years later by the Imam Ali
Naqi(A), whose period in the Imamat began during the later part of the
Caliphate of Mu'tasim, and who enjoyed greater indulgence that was shown
to the Shias until the period of reaction against them and the
Mu'tazalites under the Caliph Mutawakkil. The following particular
instructions for visiting this Shrine have been given by Majlisi.
As a man asked him for an advice, Imam Al-Jawad said:
Put
your head on steadfastness, embrace poverty, reject the lusts, oppose
your passions, and know that you cannot be out of God’s sight. Consider
how you should behave, then.
Imam Al-Jawad (peace be upon him) said:
God
revealed to one of His prophets: Your asceticism will give you comfort.
Your devotion to Me will endear you to Me. But, did you antagonize My
enemies and cherish My disciples?
It was related that highway
robbers stole the large amounts of cloth that belonged to Imam Al-Jawad
(peace be upon him). The head of the caravan sent the Imam a message in
which he informed him of that news. The Imam (peace be upon him)
answered him:
Our souls and riches are within the pleasant gifts
and the deposited loans of God Who makes us enjoy some of them
pleasantly and delightedly and seizes whatever He wills with rewards and
merits. He whosever intolerance overcomes his steadfastness will waste
his rewards. God protect us against so.
Imam Al-Jawad (peace be upon him) said:
He
who detested a matter that he witnessed is as same as those who were
absent from it, and he who was absent from a matter that he loved is as
same as those who witnessed it.
Imam Al-Jawad (peace be upon him) said:
He
whoever listens to a caller is serving him. If the caller was God’s
representative, he is then serving God. If the caller was the Shaitan’s
representative, he is then serving the Shaitan.
Dawud bin Al-Qasim related: I asked Imam Al-Jawad (peace be upon him) about the meaning of ‘samad’. He said:
Everything that lacks navel is ‘samad’.
I said that people claim that ‘samad’ is everything that lacks interior. Imam Al-Jawad (peace be upon him) commented:
Everything that lacks interior lacks navel.
Abu
Hashim Al-Ja’fari related: On the wedding day of Imam Al-Jawad (peace
be upon him) and Ummul-Fadhl, daughter of Al-Ma’mun, I said: “O master,
the blessing of this day is clearly great for us. The Imam (peace be
upon him) learned:
O Abu Hashim, God’s blessings in this day has been great for us.
“Yes, master,” I said, “What should I say about the day?” Imam Al-Jawad (peace be upon him) answered:
Say only good things about the day so that you will be given from these good things.
“Master,” I said, “I will follow this instruction completely.” The Imam Al-Jawad (peace be upon him) said:
You will be guided to the right and you will see only the good if you adhere to this instruction.
Imam Al-Jawad (peace be upon him) wrote to one of his disciples:
We
are only ladling from this world. He whose belief and religion are the
same as his acquaintance will surely accompany that acquaintance
everywhere. The life to come is surely the remaining abode.
Imam Al-Jawad (peace be upon him) said:
Delay
of repentance is deception, excessive procrastination is perplexity,
arrogance against God is perdition, and insistence on sins is security
against God’s unexpected retribution. No one can consider himself secure
from the retribution of God except those who are lost.
A
cameleer who took Imam Al-Jawad (peace be upon him) from Medina to
Al-Kufa asked for more money after the Imam had given him four hundred
dinars. The Imam (peace be upon him) said:
How strange is this! Do you not know that God’s increasing gifts will be stopped when the servants stop showing Him gratitude?
Imam Al-Jawad (peace be upon him) said:
The
Prophet (peace be upon him and his family) accepted the pledge of
allegiance of women by dripping his hand in a bowl of water, and when he
took his hand out, women dripped their hands in that bowl and declared
the shahada, faith in God, and believing in the Prophet (peace be upon
him and his family) and the matters they had to acknowledge.
Imam Al-Jawad (peace be upon him) said:
To show a matter before preparing for it properly is spoiling it.
Imam Al-Jawad (peace be upon him) said:
A believer is in need of successfulness from God, a self-preaching, and accession to the advisers.
When
you wish to visit the tomb of Musa ibn Jafar(A.S.) and the tomb of
Muhammad ibn Ali ibn Musa(A.S.), first you must bathe and make yourself
clean, then anoint yourself with perfume and put on two clean garments,
after which you are to say at the tomb of the Imam Musa: -
Peace be upon thee, O Friend of God!
Peace be upon thee, O Proof of God!
Peace be upon thee, O Light of God!
O Light in the dark place of the earth!
Peace be upon him whom God advances in thy regard,
Behold I come as a pilgrim, who acknowledges your right,
Who hates your enemies and befriends your friends,
So intercede for me therefore with your Lord.
"You
are then free," said the Imam Ali Naqi(A), "to ask for your personal
needs, after which you should offer a prayer in salutation to the Imam
Muhammad Taqi(A), using these same words."
Majlisi, who has
included these traditions in his instructions for modern pilgrims to
this Shrine, makes the observation in explanation of the unusual -
brevity of the prescribed prayer, "that it was necessary in those times
to take great care in dissimulation (taqiyah) that the Shias should not
suffer injury."4
Another tradition that dates from the same century
in which these two Imams died is attributed to a certain Hasan ibn
Jamhur, who said:
"In the year 296 A.H., when Ali ibn Ahmad
al-Frat was Vizier, I saw Ahmad ibn Rabi", who was one of the Caliph's
writers, when his hand had gotten infected so that it had bad odour and
turned black.
Everyone who saw him had no doubt but that he
would die. In a dream, however, he saw Hazrat Ali(A), and said to him:
"O Amiru'l Momineen, will you not ask God to give me my hand?" Hazrat
Ali(A.S.) answered, `go to Musa ibn Jafar(A.S.) and he will ask this for
you from God.'
In the morning they got a litter and carpeted it,
gave him a bath and anointed him with perfume. They had him lie down in
the litter and covered him with a robe. Then they carried him to the
tomb of Imam Musa ibn Jafar(A), whose intercession he sought in prayer.
The
afflicted man took some of the earth from the tomb and rubbed it on his
arm upto the shoulder and then bound the arm up again. The next day,
when he opened the bandage, he saw that all the skin and flesh of the
arm had fallen off, and that only the bones and veins and ligaments
remained, and the bad odour had also ceased, When the vizier heard of
this he took the men to testify as what had happened. In a short time
the healthy flesh and skin grew back again, and he was able to resume
his work of writing.".
Majlisi adds the comment that "in every
period there have been so many miracles (mu'jizaat) and demonstrations
of power (karamat) at the tomb of these two saints that there is no need
to describe cases of the past. In our own times there are so many
instances occuring and recurring that to recount them would be a lengthy
process."5
After the Abbasid caliphs had fallen more under the
authority of the commanders of their armies of Turkish mercenaries,
there was a rising of the Buyids (or Buwaihids) in Persia; and in A.D.
946 the Caliph Mustakfi was blinded by the Buyid Prince, Mu'izzu'd
Dawla, who set up the blinded Caliph's son, al-Muktaddir, as a nominal
ruler while he exercised the actual authority himself. Ibn Athir has
related that "the Buyids were fanatical adherents of Ali and firmly
convinced that the Abbasids were usurpers of a throne that rightfully
belonged to others."6
They did not take over the Caliphate, but
in addition to retaining for themselves the authority and perquisites of
the government of the provinces, they proclaimed the first ten days of
the month of Muharram as a period of public mourning for Husain,7 and
they frequently enriched the sanctuary at Kadhmayn with their gifts. The
Caliph Tai' is reported to have led the Friday prayers in the Kadhmayn
mosque,8 so that in the period of the revival of the Shia influence
under the protection of the Buyids, we are certain that the Kadhmayn
Shrine was regularly visited by pilgrims and served as "the rallying
place of the Shia party."
It was during this period that the
four great works of the Shia tradition were compiled. Kulaini died in
Baghdad in A.D. 939, after completing his monumental work, the
Compendium of the Science of Religion (al-Kafi fi Ilm ad-din), which is
perhaps the most highly esteemed of all the Shia source books. Ibn
Babuwaihi had come to Baghdad from Khorasan in 966 A.D., where he
devoted himself to teaching and writing.
His `Every Man His Own
Lawyer' (Kitab man la yadhuruhu' l-Faqih), is also one of the four most
authorative books on Shia law and tradition. And sixteen years after the
death of Ibn Babuwaihi, Al-Tusi also came from Khorasan to teach in
Baghdad, where he wrote the remaining two of the four great books of
traditions that lie at the basis of Shia theology and jurisprudence,
`The Correcting of judgments' (Tahzhib al-Ahkam) and the `Examination of
Differences in Traditions' (Al-Istibsar).
At this time of
greater boldness on the part of the Shias, riots with the Sunnis were
not infrequent in Baghdad. In one of these disturbances in 1051 A.D. the
Sunni leader was killed in a fight that had ensued when the Shi'as
ventured to put an inscription laudatory of Ali above one of the city
gates. The indignation of the Sunnis was so great that in the tension of
the situation after their leader's funeral, they went as a mob into the
Shrine of Kadhmayn and plundered the tombs of the two Imams.
After
carrying off the gold and silver lamps and the curtains which adorned
these sanctuaries, the rioters on the following day completed their work
by setting fire to the buildings. The great teak-wood domes above the
shrines of the Imam Musa ibn-Jafar(A) and Imam Muhammad Taqi(A)were
entirely burnt.9 This fact that the domes were at first of teak-wood has
something to do doubtless with the number of times they were burned.
It
was shortly after the burning of the Shrine in 1051 A.D. that the
Seljuk Sultans displaced the Buwaihids as military dictators in Persia
and "Protectors" of the Caliphs in Baghdad. They learned what they knew
of Islam in the distinctively Sunni atmosphere of Bukhara. Nevertheless,
when they came to Baghdad, no injury was done to the Shrine at
Kadhmayn. And when Sultan Malik Shah visited it in 1086, it had
apparently been repaired from the damages of the fire of thirty-five
years before.10
Ibn Jubayr, who gives a detailed description of
Baghdad in 1184, A.D. in his Travels,11 mentions the tomb of Imam Musa
ibn Jafar(A), but he does not speak of it as Kadhmayn, and he makes no
reference to the tomb of the Imam Muhammad Taqi(A), which would suggest
that Shia influence was at that time at such low ebb that this shrine,
so close to the city of Baghdad had, been abandoned as a place of
regular pilgrimage.
Notwithstanding, before another hundred
years had passed when the domes of the Shrines had again been destroyed
by fire, we find that its repair was regarded as of sufficient
importance to be the one and only enterprise that the shortlived Caliph
Zahir had been able to undertake.
And Ibn Tiktaka who mentions
this repair of the domes in his Kitab al-Fakhri,12 is known to have
succeeded his father as supervisor of the sacred towns of the Shias in
the vicinity of Baghdad, so that it is possible that the minority
community, while by no means free, may have enjoyed certain prescribed
and restricted rights.
Their headquarters however, were no
longer in Baghdad but in Hilla, and greater importance was given to
Najaf and Kerbala as places of pilgrimage.
When the Mongols came
with their overwhelming force in 1258, they wrought almost complete
devastation in and around Baghdad. There is said to have been an
understanding, however, that the holy cities of the Shi'as should be
spared, and in fact Kadhmayn was the only one of these shrines that
suffered. This was perhaps to the destruction of the western part of the
city first.
It may have been during the subsequent siege of the
fortress on the eastern side of the Tigris that the deputation of Shias
from Hilla arrived and arranged with Khulagu Khan for the special
protection of Najaf and Kerbala. However that may be, we know that the
city of Baghdad was utterly ruined by the Mongols, and that the tombs of
Kadhmayn were burned. "Nearly all the inhabitants, to the number,
according to Rashid ad-Din, of 800,000 (Makrizi says 2,000,000)
perished, and thus passed away one of the noblest cities that had ever
graced the East - the Cynocure of the Muhammadan world, where the
luxury, wealth and culture of five centuries had been concentrated...
The
booty captured, we are told, was so great that Georgians and Tartars
succumbed under the load of gold and silver, precious stones and pearls,
rich stuffs, gold and silver vessels, etc., while as to the vases from
China and Rashan (i.e., procelain), and those made in the country of
iron and copper, they were deemed scarcely of any value, and were broken
and thrown away. The soldiers were so rich that the saddles of their
horses and mules and their most ordinary utensils were inlaid with
stones, pearls and gold. Some of them broke off their swords at the hilt
and filled up the scabbards with gold, while others emptied the body of
a Baghdadian, refilled it with gold, precious stones and pearls, and
carried it off from the city."13
The death of the last of the
Abbasid Caliphs, Mustasim, has been so celebrated in literature that
what actually happened is obscure.
There are numerous accounts
of how Hulagu Khan was disgusted when he saw that in his avarice the
Caliph had gathered gold which he had been unwilling to spend either in
defence of the city or to effect favourable terms of capitulation.
Marco
Polo relates the story that when Hulagu Khan entered Baghdad he found
to his astonishment a town that was filled with gold and silver, and in
his indignation he gave orders that the avaricious Caliph should be
"shut up in this same town, without sustenance; and there, in the midst
of his wealth, he soon finished a miserable existence."14
This
story is based on the narrative of Mirkhond, of joinville, and of
Makakia, the Armenian historian, and as Howarth remarks it has provided
"one of those grim episodes which Longfellow delighted to put into
verse":-
I said to the Caliph, "Thou art old,
Thou hast no need of so much gold;
Thou should'st not have heaped and hidden it here,
Till the breath of battle was hot and near,
But have sown through the land these useless hoards,
To spring into shining blades of swords,
And keep thine honour sweet and clear."
Then into his dungeon I locked the drone,
And left him there to feed all alone,
In the honey cells of his golden hive;
Never a prayer, nor a cry, nor a groan,
Was heard from those massive walls of stone,
Nor again was the Caliph seen alive.
One
notable fact in this connection is that the life of the Caliph's vizier
in Baghdad was spared. He was Muayid-ud-din Alkamiya who was known to
have been favourable to the Shias, and who was also reported to have
sent his submission to Khulagu, and had invited him to invade the
country.
However, this may be, the Caliph was put to death on
the 21st February, 1258. Wassaf and Novairi say he was rolled up in
carpets and, then trodden under by horses so that his blood should not
be spilt. This was in accordance with the `yasa' of Jingis Khan, which
forbade the shedding of the blood of royal persons.
But the
Caliph's vizier, whose life was spared, "retained his post as vizier,
the reward doubtless of his dubious loyalty." Various prominent
Persians, as distinguished from Arabs or Turks were appointed to
important positions in the new administration of affairs, and among the
first buildings to be rebuilt was the Shrine of the two Imams, at
Kadhmayn.15
After the fall of the last of the Abbasid Caliph,
Baghdad was never rebuilt on its former scale of grandeur. The Il-Khans,
Who were the descendants of Khulagu, held the city for 82 years, not as
a capital, however, but merely as the chief town of the province of
Iraq. It was near the close of their period of authority that the
traveller Mustawfi visited Baghdad (1339) A.D., and at that time he
mentioned seeing the Shrines of al-Kadhim(A.S.) and of his grandson,
Taqi(A), the seventh and ninth Imams. He observed that Kadhmayn was a
suburb by itself, about six thousand paces in circumberence.16
About
that time the Mongol tribe of Julayr wrested the power from the
Il-Khans, and their chief, Shaikh Hasan Buzurg, made his residence in
Baghdad in 1340, as the town best suited for his tribal headquarters.
Fifty
odd years later, in connection with his widespread conquests, Timur
spent three months in Baghdad. It happened to be in the summer that he
besieged and captured the city, and the Persian chronicler in the Zafar
Nameh remarks that "the heat was so intense, that as for the fish in the
water, the saliva boiled in their mounts: and as for the birds in the
air, from the fever heat their livers were cooked and they fell
senseless."
The horrors of the taking of the city are described
in graphic detail. So thoroughly had all avenue of escape been closed
that when the wind accelerated the flames that filled the air, there
were many people who threw themselves into the water, to escape the fire
or sword. It was a time when the slave market was such that an old man
of eighty and a child of twelve sold for the same price and the fire of
hate waxed to such a heat that the garment of the wealthy merchant and
the rags of the sick beggar burned the same way. Individual soldiers in
bands of the troops had been each commissioned to each get a head, but
some who were not content with one head got all they could tie to their
belts.
It is mentioned, however, that some of the men of
learning and rank as were granted his protection and shared his bounty,
but the general carnage was hideous. When the inhabitants had been thus
almost annihilated, their habitations were dealt with. Only the mosques,
the schools, and the dormitories were spared. Accordingly, we read that
Timur left Baghdad on account of "vile odour of the carcases of the
dead."17
Nevertheless, when Timur took his departure, we are
told that he ordered that the city should be rebuilt. The shrine at
Kadhmayn, however, was not restored. After the death of Timur, there was
a brief reoccupation of Baghdad by the Julayrs, who were displaced by
the "Black Sheep" Turkomans, who held the city from 1411-1469. They in
turn were driven out by their rivals, the "White Sheep" Turkomans.
It
was therefore after a long period of neglect, when the city had been
held by successive generations of half savage tribes, that Shah Ismail
I, of the Safawi dynasty captured Baghdad in 1508, and it was in 1519
that he completed the rebuilding of the Shrine at Kadhmayn much as it
stands today. With the rise of Shah Ismail there is an interesting and
significant story of the revival of Persian Shia Power, which belongs in
the history of Ardebil in Azerbaijan rather than in a description of
the Shrine of the "Two Kadhims" in Baghdad.
We are told that
frequently from twenty-five, to thirty thousand pilgrims visit the
Shrine in one day. If viewed from a point of vantage, this Shrine with
its twin domes of gleaming gold is one of the most beautiful sights in
Baghdad; and if studied in its historical associations throughout the
last eleven hundred years, it affords a thrilling resume of the changing
fortunes of the far-famed city of Arabian Nights.
Footnotes:
1. Ibn Sa'd, Tabakat, VII, ii, pp. 68, I. 18; 99, I. 21; & 80, I. II.
2. Yakubi, Tarikh, edit, Houtsma, Vol. 11, P. 499.
3. Kulaini, Usul al-Kafi P. 203.
4. Majlisi, Toafatu's- Za'irin, pp. 308 fi.
5. Majiisi, op. cit., p. 309.
6. Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, viii, p. 177.
7. Browne, Persian Literature in Modern Times, p. 31.
8. Le Strange, Baghdad during the Abbasid Caliphate, p. 162.
9. Le Strange, Op. cit., p. 164.
10. Le Strange, Op. cit., p. 163.
11. Ibn Jubayr, Travels, Wright's text revised by de Goeje, P. 226.
12. lbn Tiktaka, Kitab al- Fakhri, p. 163.
13. Howarth, History of the Mongols, iii, pp. 126, 127.
14. Travels of Marco Polo the Venitian, ch. viii.
15. Howarth, Op. cit. pp. 127-131.
16. Mustawfi, Nuzhatu'l-Qulub, Eng. trans. Gibb Mem. series, vol. XXIII, ii, p. 42.
17. Zafar Nameh, by Sharifu'd-din Ali Yazdi, edt. Calcutta 1887-8, vol. II pp. 363-369.
Other References:
Encyclopaedia of Islam, art. "Kadhmayn".
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